war for independence in pakistan

History of pakistan
Modern-day Pakistan began with independence from British India on August 14, 1947.थेpolitical history of eventual birth of the country began in the aftermath of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, which culminated in 90 years of direct rule by the British Crown and subsequently, spawned a successful freedom struggle led by the Indian National Congress and later by the All India Muslim League. The latter was founded in 1906 to protect Muslim interests and rose to popularity in the late 1930s amid fears of neglect and under-representation of Muslims in politics. On the 29 December 1930, Muhammad Iqbal called for an autonomous state in "northwestern India for Indian Muslims".[6] Muhammad Ali Jinnah espoused the Two Nation Theory and led the Muslim League to adopt the Lahore Resolution[7] of 1940, demanding the formation of an independent Pakistan.
Pakistan became independent from British India as a Muslim-majority state with two wings - West Pakistan and East Pakistan. Independence witnessed unprecedented and prologed communal riots across India and Pakistan, eventually resulting in millions of Indian Muslims migrating to Pakistan and millions of Pakistan's Hindus and Sikhs migrating to India. Disputes arose over several princely states including Kashmir and Jammu whose ruler had illegally acceded to India following an invasion by Pashtun tribesmen from Pakistan. This led to the First Kashmir War in 1948 which ended in Pakistan administrating one-third of the state.
Pakistan Movement
Pakistan Movement or Tehrik-e-Pakistan (Urdu: تحریک پاکستان) has its origins in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh (present day Uttar Pradesh). Muslims there were a minority, yet their Elite had a disproportionate amount of representaion in the civil service and overall influence. The idea of Pakistan began from this part of Northern India, from the Elite of this region to popular following and then onwards to the rest of India.[1] The movement was led by a lawyer named Muhammad Ali Jinnah, along with such leaders as Allama Iqbal, Liaqat Ali Khan, Fatima Jinnah, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, A.K. Fazlul Huq, and Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar among the many others.
History of the movement
Minority Muslims
Muslim League Working Committee at the Lahore session [edit] Minority Muslims
Muhammad Ali Jinnah desired to build a state on a principle, composed of three parts, "one nation, one culture, one language". Pakistan was to be the homeland of Muslims belonging to British India. Jinnah represented the Muslims of the British Raj, who belonged to the provinces where Muslims were a minority i.e. present day Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat and Maharashtra. Muslims who migrated to Pakistan after the partition are known as Muhajirs in Pakistan today. The replacement of Persian, in 1837, with English and the local languages, of the various provinces of British-ruled India, as official and court languages, resulted in Hindi being given the same status as Urdu as an official language of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. This made the Muslim elite wary. Furthermore, the democratization process by the British in the late 1800s, made these Muslims feel that they would lose all of their privileged influence.
In 1909, the British allowed their subjects elect part of their Legislative Councils. This move added further to the fears of marginalization among Muslims as they made up only 20% of the population of British India and, to make matters worse, only a small number of them (20%) even bothered to vote (1881 census). The provinces where the Muslims were a minority were the most alarmed, particularly those belonging to the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh as the Muslim elite there had the most to lose. In the United Provinces, Muslims made up only 13.4% of the population but held 45% of the civil service jobs. An example of the privilege they still enjoyed.
In the late 1800s, the Muslims from the United Provinces assembled under Syed Ahmed Khan. First of all, he wanted to improve education within his community. Toward this goal he founded the Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College (MAO College) in Aligarh in 1869 which later developed into the Aligarh Muslim University by 1911. MAO College produced the first opponents of the Indian National Congress. Congress claimed to represent all Indians, but Muslims made up only 6.6% of the delegates between 1892 and 1909.
The 1882 local self-government act had already troubled Syed Ahmed Khan. When, in 1906, the British announced their intention to establish Legislative Councils, Muhsin al-Mulk, the secretary of MAO College, hoping to win a separate Legislative Council for Muslims, led a delegation to meet with Viceroy Lord Minto, a deal to which Minto agreed because iit followed the British divide and rule strategy. The UP Muslims were over-represented in the delegation, which included only seven Punjabis and one Bengali, totally out of proportion to their numbers.
The role of the graduates from Aligarh in creating the Muslim League and then taking part in the Khilafat movement shows the significance of UP Muslims in the origin of Muslim separatist ideas in India. These Muslims actually had a sense of Muslim identity. Separatist feelings among Muslims developed due to not discrimination but social and economic factors. The Muslim elite of UP saw their influence being challenged by the Hindu elite who benefited from their much more speedy integration into the English medium education system.
Though Muslim separatism was diluted as a result of the irregularity of social dissatisfaction felt by the community, people from present day Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat (Jinnah's native state) and Maharashtra were anxious to distance themselves from the growing Hindu influence. However, the Muslims in majority from Greater Punjab, Greater Bengal, Sindh, and NWFP did not share the same sentiment, as they ruled their own regions: Punjab abd Bengal. Jinnah's task was to convince these Muslims into backing the two-nation theory.
For Jinnah, Islam laid a cultural base for an ideology of ethnic nationalism whose objective was to gather the Muslim community in order to defend the Muslim minorities. Jinnah's representation of minoritarian Muslims was quite apparent in 1928, when in the All-Party Muslim Conference, he was ready to swap the advantages of separate electorates for a quota of 33% of seats at the Centre. He maintained his views at the Round Table Conferences, while the Muslims of Punjab and Bengal were vying for a much more decentralized political setup. Many of their requests were met in the 1935 Government of India Act. Jinnah and Muslim League played a peripheral role at the time and in 1937 could manage to gather only 5% of the Muslim vote. Jinnah refused to back down and went ahead with his separatist plan. He presented the two-nation theory in the now famous Lahore Resolution in March 1940,seeking a separate Muslim state,[2]
The idea of a separate state had first been introduced by Allama Iqbal in his speech in December 1930 as the President of the Muslim League.[3]. The state that he visualized included only Punjab, Sindh, North West Frontier Province (NWFP), and Balochistan. Three years later, the name Pakistan was proposed in a declaration in 1933 by Choudhary Rahmat Ali, a University of Cambridge graduate. Again, Bengal was left out of the proposal.[4]. In the Lahore Resolution of March 1940, the proposed state's name remained unrecognized and its borders so undetermined that it was not clear whether there would be one Muslim state or two. It stated "that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority, as in the north-western and eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute independent states in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign."
Part of Jinnah's strategy to entice the leaders of those provinces who continued to oppose the idea of Pakistan was to present all the provinces as loose groupings of the state. The 1937 election resulted in a major shift in Indian politics; the Congress won in seven provinces and lost in four. The Congress success worried the Muslims. Jinnah grasped this moment and suggested that Muslims would be left to contend with a Hindu government after the withdrawal of the British. He stated that "Hindu Congress" was "putting Islam in danger."
Punjab
This was an effective move by Jinnah, especially in Punjab, where the Muslim League had to fend off not just the Congress, whose support base was Hindus living in the cities, but also the Unionist Party, founded in 1922, by peasant leaders Fazl-e-Hussain (a Muslim) and Chhotu Ram (a Hindu). This party won all the elections between 1923 and 1937. However, Fazl-e-Hussain died in 1936 and in September 1937, the new party leader, Sikandar Hayat Khan (Punjabi politician) agreed to sign a pact with Jinnah. Sikandar Hayat Khan's motives remain unclear, but it is suspected that he hoped to become the leader of Muslim League in his own province, if not its ultimate leader. Whatever be the reason, this helped the Muslim League to carve out a niche in Punjab. In the 1946 election campaign, the Muslim League was able to publicize its views widely. It claimed that Islam was threatened by Congress. "Pirs" and "Sajjada Nashin" helped the Muslim League to attract Muslim voters. It won 75 seats to Union Party's 10.
sindh
In Sindh, the Muslim League remained at the margins till the mid-1940s. Just as in Punjab, it faced two parties, Congress and the Sindh United Party, which had been founded in 1936 when the Sindh Province came into being. Its inspiration was the Punjab Unionist Party. The Muslim League first gained a foothold in Sindh in the 1930s over the Manzilgarh issue, named after a very controversial site that the Muslim League wanted to officially declare as a mosque.
The Muslim League in Sindh was more interested in defending Sindhi culture than in creating an Islamic state for British Raj Muslims. This was obvious from the behaviour of its leader in the 1940s, G. M. Syed, who left Congress in 1938 to become the leader of the Muslim League in Sindh. He championed the cause of regional self-determination in 1946 at the Cabinet Mission. He had been dismissed from the Muslim League, but the Muslim League in Sindh continued to remain steeped in Sindhi nationalism. Many Sindhis regarded the formation of Pakistan as a way of freeing their region from British rule.
Bengal
In Bengal, the Muslim League enjoyed more support than in the other majoritarian Provinces. But even here, it gained strength later on. Its popularity was based on its ability to create separatist feelings in East Bengal where the Muslims were mostly concentrated. Here again, the Muslim League had to face off two parties in the 1930s: the Congress and the Krishak Proja Party, a peasant party, founded in 1936 by A.K.Fazlul Haq. This party narrowly ousted the Muslim League by winning 31% of the votes, compared to Muslim League's 27% in the 1937 Elections. However, by 1946, the League had won 104 of the 111 seats, by again branding the Congress as "Hindu" and calling it a "threat to Islam." However, the success of the two-nation theory depended on the strong regional feelings with the President of the Bengal Muslim League, declaring in 1944, that religion transcends geographical boundaries, but culture does not and so Bengalis are different from people of other provinces of India and the "religious brothers" of Pakistan.
NWFP
In NWFP, the Muslim League faced its hardest challenge yet. It had intense competition from Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan dubbed as the "Frontier Gandhi" due to his efforts in following in the footsteps of Gandhi. The popularity of the Congress, along with the strong Paktoon identity created by Ghaffar Khan in the cultural and the political arenas made life hard for the Muslim League. With the support of Ghaffar Khan, the Congress was able to contain the Muslim League to the non-Pakhtoon areas, particularly, the Hazara region. The Muslim League could only manage to win 17 seats, against the 30 won by Congress, in the 1946 elections.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Muslim separatism has its origin in the Provinces where the minoritarian Muslims resided as they faced social and political marginalization. In 1946, the Muslim majorities agreed to the idea of Pakistan, as a response to Congress, portrayed as the "Hindu" party by Jinnah, winning in seven out of the 11 provinces. This was a small moment of political unity as the Muslim League had not completely established itself in the provinces where the Muslims were in a majority. The principal role of the Muslims of UP was clearly visible from their over-representation in the governing body of the Muslim League. Prior to 1938, Bengal with 33 million Muslims had only 10 representatives, less than the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, which were home to only seven million Muslims. The desire of the Muslim minorities to dominate a nation that was still to be created, or whose creation had to be sustained, became obvious soon after Partition in 1947, when a clause in the Lahore Resolution which stated that "constituent units [of the states to come] shall be autonomous and sovereign" was not respected. This clause was used only to bring on board Muslim majorities. Once Pakistan was born, there was no longer any need to woo Muslims who were in majority in any region.[5][6]
Migration
Data from the 1951 census suggests that migrants constituted 7 million people in Pakistan with 6.3 million in West Pakistan and 700,000 in East Pakistan, the majority being Punjabis who crossed from East Punjab to West Punjab and hence settled in the same cultural environment. However, there were 100,000 people who went from Bihar to East Bengal and a million from the United Provinces, Bombay Presidency and Hyderabad who migrated to West Pakistan. These groups later on came to be known as Muhajirs in Pakistan.[7][8] At the time of partition, migrants from the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh made up only 2% of the migrants and 3% of Pakistan's total Population।